Sunday, July 26, 2009

Project Expectations

On Sunday morning I made my way to Bethlehem to meet David (the project manager at IPCRI), Joanna and Valerie (two others working on the refugee/settler project) to discuss the assignment in greater depth and review proper interview techniques. Svi, one of David's superiors, was leading the session. One look at Svi and all I could think of was the school master Ichabod Crane from the Legend of Sleepy Hollow. He is the spitting image of the cartoon figure I remember watching as a kid and appears to be a very warm, playful and knowledgeable character.
He referred to two kinds of interviews, formal (where there is a set place and time) and informal (such as a street conversation you rush home to write down after the fact). There are also structured interviews (which adopt a questionnaire like form) and unstructured interviews (which are more guided discussions, though not too guided, within the width if your interests). We will be conducting formal and unstructured interviews to both refugees and settlers.
In conducting interviews we lie (in a very human sense) because essentially, we are inventing reality. Svi's biggest point was that there is no way we can understand what we are being told and the assumption of understanding is both the biggest mistake and danger. When we "assume to understand," we must ask anther set of questions aimed in this direction until the lie becomes clearer. Additionally, there is always an internal dialogue that exists (how much can I ask or do in this given context with this person to get the information I need without agitating the interviewee?).
Another point was when dealing with anything abstract or concrete for that matter, ask for examples. Everyone will say they "want peace." This means nothing. What is the "peace" they are referring to? Nothing is clear or obvious. When people are unable to give examples it becomes apparent how unclear their ideology actually is. If the interviewee doesn't supply a good example you can ask again, repeat their answer to make sure you understand, or give an example on your own (though this should be saved for last as it can produce a guided product), then move on. Above all, be kind, respectful, stick to ethical commitments (confidentiality, etc.), and be thankful for their time. Often, the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee is more important than the questions being asked. It is also important to be consistent in the interview process (how you open, etc.) to produce the same results, to be sensitive to language used, and to realize the length of an appropriate interview will depend on the cultural background of the interviewee. Always remember to write down the setting, how you think the interview went, and any other significant details to give the reader a better sense of what occurred.
The project itself is an IPCRI initiative to try to understand the priorities and needs of both Palestinian refugees and Jewish settlers by asking them questions about themselves and their perceptions of the future of the West Bank and the conflict. We define refugees as not only the Palestinians expelled in 1948, but their children and grandchildren as well (as oppose to considering only the individuals who were expelled themselves as refugees and not their descendants). This is because according to international law, descendants of refugees are taken in by the country that houses them. Since the Palestinians are refugees in their own state (being that Israel does not recognize Palestine and will not give citizenship to the refugees from 1948 or their descendants), this doesn't apply.
In many ways, we are searching for the unknown that can help us better identify what needs to happen to create a two state solution where both peoples are satisfied. From the information provided in the interviews, we hope to produce a policy paper and an academic study. We will need to make sure our interviewees know our goals from the start. As far as the structure is concerned, the interviews will consist of two parts. First, we will ask the list of questions we have composed (some personal and others a matter of opinion) and expect them to take an hour and a half or so to be discussed. Second, we will present around 10 options (give or take) for possible resolutions to the conflict and ask which ones are approved of and which are not in order to get a better perception of what people are willing to compromise on.
It can be expected that the approach of this study (such as the types of questions, order in which things are presented, etc.) will be slightly modified as we interview the first set of individuals and decipher what methods are beneficial and which are counterproductive. I'm excited to participate in a study from its consummation and observe all the various elements that contribute to its completion. 

Saturday, July 18, 2009

IPCRI: Russian involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

The IPCRI meeting I attended focused on Russian involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and Russia's personal motivations and relationship with Iran. Two representatives from Russia were included in the panel of 5 speakers (Svetlarina Zybova and Alexey Stosyrov).
There has been talk of a possible conference to be held in Moscow (being referred to as the Moscow Conference) where Russia will offer its assistance in the Israeli Palestinian peace process. A conference in Moscow is interesting for many reasons, but notably because 20% of Israeli citizens in the past 2 decades have come from Russia and the grand majority harshly oppose the creation of the Palestinian state. However, there is speculation on whether or not this will take place as there has been little organization around the details of such a conference, though Russia is showing a willingness to participate in this manner.
Svetlarina Zybova, one of the Russian representatives, summarized Russia's overall policy:
Russia's leaders feel that Russia is taking a frontal role in foreign policy and is open to working with the international community on multiple levels. The majority of the international community is leaning towards diplomacy. With the balance of power shifting, the U.S. cannot handle everything independently and Russia wants to participate in reconciliation between East and West. Russia thinks they can mediate between Muslim civilizations and the West. They want to build a Palestinian State and have both Israel and Palestine existing side by side (the two state solution). We (Russia and the international community) need to find ways to push progress forward and this process can be initiated by the Russian Conference. As for the Middle East peace process in general she summarized five objectives:
1. There should be a two state solution leading to creation of an independent and secure
Palestinian state
2. Full compliance of the Israelis and the Palestinians should be ensured with an agreement to halt violence and maintain the resulting political structure
3. There must be reinforcement of Palestinian national institutions
4. Reconstruction of the Gaza Strip must commence (and they would like help from Egypt and Europe in this department)
5. There must be Palestinian dialogue with the PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization) and Israel in order to create and sustain a Palestinian nation
Overall, Zybova stresses that Russia wants to be an equal partner in the conflict resolution process.
Galia Golan, who amongst other things is an activist and professor in the Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy, and Strategy in Herzliya, Israel, responded by discussing Russia's major interests in the region:
1. One motivation is political: Russia wants to elevate their status in the international community and redeem themselves as the large influential entity they once were.
2. Russia's primary interest, however, is economic and this takes priority over political motivations. Russia wants to make money; especially with regard to oil and specifically with regards to Iran. Additionally, they already deal in large importations of natural gas between themselves and Iran and are seeking a similar agreement to OPEC (but with respect to natural gas). Furthermore, there is a mutual interest/cooperation with the Caspian Sea between Russia and Iran.
There is also the Islamic issue; that Russia (who has a significant Muslim population itself) has sought legitimacy from the Muslim state of Iran. This touches into the matter of the extension of Islam and fundamentalism.
Russia's relationship with Iran is a symbol of Russian independence and an independent foreign policy in opposition to the US. When Golan says "opposing the US," she doesn't necessarily mean to be against the US, but to show independence from them.
There is also the issue of Iran developing a nuclear weapons program. Such a program is economically beneficial and strengthens independence for Iran. The program, she doesn't think, is directed at Israel, and there may not be an existential threat, but there are benefits for Iran in having the program nonetheless. While Russia does not want to see a nuclear weapons program in Iran it is important for Russia, in general, to maintain a positive presence in Iran, so Russia will not do anything to tamper with their good relations (including discouraging a nuclear weapons program). If restrictions were somehow agreed upon within the Iranian nuclear program, she thinks Russia would accept it.
These are all factors behind Russia's refusal to give full support the issue of sanctions against Iran. Although the Russian representatives say that while sanctions have been successful before, here they feel they are counterproductive in dealing with both the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and with Iran. They think this form of action will only make leaders stronger where such sanctions are imposed. Russia is not interested in helping Iran get nuclear weapons, nor do they think they are developing a nuclear program (or so they claim).
There is talk of a trade off between Russia and the US with regard to Russian interests with Georgia and Ukraine, but very little has come of this so far.
The Russian position with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is that they want to be viewed as an important player, but do not really want to get that involved, they just want to be seen as a significant partner. Russia has maintained a balanced policy with regard to the conflict and has gone out of its way to do so. Golan tends to think Russia's relationship with Hamas is connected with Iran. Hamas historically showed a very negative policy towards Russia, but eventually changed and has become more positive in dealing with Russia. In return, Russia has reciprocated, taking them off their list of terrorist organizations. She thinks this was a result of Iranian pressure on Hamas.
Gershon Baskin (the director and founder of IPCRI) pointed out that recently, Obama brought a possible offer to the table in hopes of negotiation. If Russia helps insure that Iran isn't building a weapons program then the US will get rid of the missiles in Eastern Europe (as there is no need for them). The main issue for the US is really if Russia will comply with imposing stronger sanctions on Iran (if they'll provide outside pressure). The missiles aren't a direct need to the US so it’s a creative bargaining tool.
Russia's claim of “bilateral negotiations, the sooner the better,” was also criticized as being empty rhetoric used only to give the illusion that they want to get involved. Frequently nothing comes of these negations, but more violence. In response to this, Russia commented that the final stages to the resolution of issues in the conflict are difficult with regards to negotiating with Israel. To get past this we need to find common ground and if the peace process fails, it will do more damage than if it doesn't take place at all. In other words as Golan said previously, it sounds like Russia wants to rebuild its image, but has no real interest in being a key player in the resolution of the Israeli Palestinian Conflict.

Thursday, July 16, 2009

IPCRI and a New Opportunity

The Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information (IPCRI) holds bimonthly meetings at the Ambassador Hotel in Jerusalem which I frequently attend. While normally there are upwards of 100-150 people present, recently meetings have had significantly fewer participants, mostly as the result of the Israeli army suddenly ceasing to grant individuals from the West Bank permits to enter the area. This has been the case for the last four meetings, but today it was announced that the individuals and organizations responsible for the collaboration of these meetings were able to convince the army to discontinue this behavior, so hopefully in the future obstacles will be minimal.
IPCRI is a joint institution of Israelis and Palestinians dedicated to the resolution of the Israeli Palestinian conflict based on a two state solution (two states for two peoples). They strive to serve as an intellectual platform between Israelis, Palestinians and others to create and develop new concepts and ideas to enrich political and public discourse with the aim of influencing decision makers and challenging the current political reality to promote change. IPCRI defines themselves as a "think tank" as well as an "action do tank."
Other than Palestinians and Israelis, IPRCI also brings together individuals from the private sector, academia, professionals including current and former officials, negotiators, military personal and others. They frequently have guest speakers come and facilitate a discussion and lecture on a given topic.
Following the discussion of this weeks meeting I spoke with some of the representatives of the organization and we touched on what I was doing in the area. Subsequently, I was offered an internship position with IPCRI heading a project where I will be trained to create and conduct interviews to settlers and refugees aimed at discerning their thoughts on the future of the area. I will then need to transcribe those findings and report back to the office in Bethlehem. When I meet again with the organization I will be told more of the specific details, but I'm excited to be getting involved in project.
A summary of the topic discussed in the meeting (on Russian involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict) is posted in the next blog and worth checking out for those interested in foreign policy. How our country interacts with both Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict over the next few years is key and will have drastic implications for the US in the long run. Being attentive to what is happening surrounding these issues is pivotal if you want to understand, impact, or foresee the direction of our society and others.

Monday, July 13, 2009

Walk like an Egyptian

Sorry for the delayed posting recently, but I was a little preoccupied during my visit to Egypt! A friend of mine (and former professor) was visiting Cairo this past week for business, so I traveled to Egypt a little early to see some sights on my own, then met up with my friend a week later.
Getting to Egypt from Jerusalem is an adventure in and of itself. I had to take a bus to the Jerusalem Central Station, then a four hour bus ride from there to Eilat where I went to the Egyptian Consulate to get a visa for Egypt and for the Sinai. From there, I took a 15 minute bus ride to Taba (on the boarder) and proceeded  through two boarder crossings (one for Israel and one for Egypt).
Once in egypt, I walked to the East Delta bus company and took an eight hour bus to Cairo. One thing to note is that Egypt, especially Cairo, is extremely chaotic and unorganized. For instance, the bus that was supposed to leave at 12:30pm from Taba to Cairo, never showed up. Instead of using another bus at the station, the manager there had the group of seven wait two hours until a taxi was willing to take us all to Cairo.
Lines in Egypt are no more than massive groups of people pushing their way to the front. Driving is another experience; picture the description of lines and apply that to vehicles. Cars are all over the road facing every direction and traffic is a constant nightmare. The traffic itself has a language of its own as each vehicle has a distinguishing honk and everyone is constantly putting theirs to use, whether there is a reason or not. On the roads, there is never a silent moment.
Before meeting my friend in Cairo, I spent three days, not including traveling, split between Dahab (a dive town along the Red Sea) and the desert mountains of St. Catherine. The Red Sea is absolutely beautiful. The water is so clear and blue, perfect for snorkeling and diving. Dahab was my first stop, then I ended up staying in the middle of nowhere in the mountains of the desert near the St. Catherine monastery (about two hours away from Dahab). This experience was particularly amazing as I was able to camp and explore with the Bedouins who have made their homes amongst the rocky mountains. Observing their authentic and humble lifestyle while avoiding the regular tourist experience was something to be cherished.
I've posted pictures below of the towering rocks and ancient buildings the Bedouins still frequent, but it really doesn't do this place justice. Hiking amongst the mountains, you realize how small you are and yet there is such an immense feeling of empowerment. It is so spiritual and powerful here; I found myself in an almost constant meditative state.
After saying my goodbyes to the Bedouins, I went on my way to Cairo. A large taxi (in place of the bus that never showed up) was shared by myself and six other foreigners around my age. I posted a picture of our lively crew two thirds of the way through the journey. We were all melting from the desert heat. I represented the US, but Poland, Germany, France, Japan, and Guatemala were also accounted for in our small vehicle. The seven of us all took the metro station to our own separate destinations once in Cairo, but it was fun to converse with fellow travelers with similar interests. There's something about the experience of traveling together, even for short intervals of time, that bonds people quickly; a feeling of camaraderie in our case, perhaps.
Cairo itself is extremely polluted and dirty, but filled with such life and history. Egyptians seem to do what they can to survive as the government doesn't take an active role in the lives of the people and is, from what I understand, a pretty corrupt institution. When I was with a fellow couch surfer from Egypt, he was pulled over by a police officer for no apparent reason and the officer, after confiscating his lisence, would not return it to him until he paid him 50 Egyptian pounds. According to my couchsurfing buddy, this was a very common occurrence.
The residents of Cairo tend to be pretty poor and some areas I went through were downright destitute. However, I loved the ancient buildings, mosques, towers, and churches that surround the city. You can get a feel for how old this place really is when you look at the pictures I took from visiting Islamic Cairo and Old Cairo. Of course I also visited the pyramids at Giza and the sphinx. These areas, while covered with tourists even in the hot summer season, are still incredible sights. It is amazing to be at the foot of the pyramids trying to fathom how such a remarkable structure could be man made with the limited resources available so long ago.
Unfortunately, I was not allowed to take pictures inside the Egyptian museum, but there are enough incredible artifacts, mummies, and sarcophagi to stay preoccupied for days. After four hours of perusing around I had to call it quits, although I did make it through the entire museum.
There is far too much to say about Egypt and the stories it gave to include in just one posting and I've already been extremely brief in the details I've described thus far. Other activities in Cairo included a felucca ride down the Nile, walking through local towns such as Doqqi and Tahrir, visiting Al-Azhar Park, the Citadel and other ancient mosques and churches as well as the famous shopping market, Khana Khalili square and a Papyrus factory. One thing I'm already missing are the juice stands that litter the streets of Cairo. My personal favorite is sugar cane (juice literally squeezed in front of you from the sugar cane stalk) followed closely by mango. For one Egyptian pound (about 20 cents) you can buy sugar cane drink while the mango juice is a little more expensive costing about two pounds.

Wednesday, July 1, 2009

The Cost of Corruption

Here's a link to another article I assisted with, published in the Jerusalem post:

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1246443695537&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

If for some reason it can't be accessed, here it is copy and pasted:

July 1, 2009 21:06 | Updated Jul 1, 2009 21:38
The cost of corruption
By BASSEM EID

The Palestinian Authority, formed in 1994 in collaboration between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the government of Israel as a result of the Oslo Accords, controlled the entire area of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip until June 2007. Then Hamas forces took over the Strip, seizing the military facilities controlled by Fatah under Mahmoud Abbas's management, and proceeded to execute officers in the security forces. In response, Abbas dissolved the Palestinian Legislative Council and declared a state of emergency.

Despite this body blow, the corruption of the PA remains as strong as ever, with more new layers constantly revealing themselves to the population at large. A close friend who recently moved from Gaza City to Ramallah with his wife and two young children told me that the cost of each passport for a Gazan citizen is almost NIS 1,200, as opposed to NIS 235 prior to the Hamas takeover - just one of the consequences of the political disputes between the governments of Hamas in Gaza and Fatah in Ramallah.

After the takeover, several administrative offices had been formed in Gaza whose duties included the distribution of passports to civilians. I can't fathom how these offices transfer the passport requests from Gaza to Ramallah. I do not rule out the possibility that they are in fact smuggled through the tunnels and sent via Egyptian mail to Ramallah.

Today there is a serious passport shortage in the Gaza Strip. The PA, to help remedy that problem, is supposed to pass out about 5,000 new passports every month to citizens in the Gaza Strip. Hamas uses passports by selectively distributing them to the people within its government instead of making them available to anyone applying for them. The lack of passports in Gaza has brought a major increase in demand and even 10,000 new passports issued a month would not be enough to relieve the deficit. The PA doesn't want to provide the necessary number of passports to the Gaza Strip, since it sees the dearth of passports as a useful tool with which to pressure the Hamas government into returning what it acquired in the takeover. Hamas, however, is far more worried about regional politics than in the life of the Gaza Strip population.

I would like to add another anecdote to this story: My brother, Hatem Abdulqader, was appointed 40 days ago to be the Minister of Jerusalem Affairs in the Salaam Fayad government. However, his new employer wasn't able to provide him with an office. No one in the government was able to tell my brother to his face that every minister needs a chair, a table and coffee utensils to serve the people who come to his office to congratulate him. When I heard about this, I lent my brother NIS 10,000 to find an office. Eventually, he had to build one for himself. He had approached the Ministry of Finance many times requesting an office, a chair and a desk, but was told time again that the PA's cash register was empty. This episode enraged me. Why is it necessity to appoint so many ministers to form a government? Why is the PA in need of $100 million each month for salaries? Where does all this money go? What do all these ministers do for their people?

In the television broadcast showing my brother being sworn in as minister, he raised his hand and swore by the Koran to be loyal to his people and country. If I were him, I would refuse to take this vow in front of Abbas or Fayad. I would be willing to take the oath only when the people standing in front of me are responsible enough to uphold this vow themselves.

The Fayad government actually wanted to use my brother to commit perjury, to swear in front of the entire Palestinian nation in the name of a useless government.

The writer is the founder and director of the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group based in east Jerusalem.